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F 685 
.H17 
Copy 1 



CIRCULAR LETTER 



TO 



THE ELECTORS OF THE FIRST CONGRESSIOXAL DISTRICT 



>iy 



OF IOWA. 



;.., ^^ /^ ^ C 







Fellow Citizens 



The opinions expressed by one or two of the Democratic papers of my dis- 
trict, with reference to my vole upon the amendment olTered by Mr. Du.n>', of 
Indiana, to the "Kansas investigating committee resolutions," make it necessary 
for me to place before you a full statement of the history of those resolutions, 
the motives and reasons which governed me in the course I pursued, and what, 
in my opinion, will be the effect of that investigation. 

It is not from the fact, that any great principle is involved in a "vote to in- 
vestigate," that gentlemen have seen proper to condemn my course, but because 
my vote stands recorded among those with whose politics I have no sentiments 
in common, and with whom it seems dangerous to coincide even upon a ques- 
tion of investigation. I stand upon the Democratic platform: I entertain princi- 
ples which are dear to me, and which I cannot forsake under any circumstances, 
because, in my opinion, they lie at the foundation of Democracy, and are 
necessary to the perpetuity of the Constitution and the Union. I hold the 
principles of the Black Republicans to be entirely sectional, inimical to the 
Constitution, and dangerous to the Union. As such I have opposed, and shall 
continue to oppose, them in every form in which they make their appearance. 

I believe that the Democratic is the only national party in existence ; that its 
special mission is to hold the helm of the ship of State firmly, through sunshine and 
through storm, and to steer her safely amidst the rocks and whirlpools of Abo- 
lition fanaticism and the reefs and currents of Know Nothingism ; to preserve 
unscathed the Constitution and the Union, and to sustain and administer the 
Government with the spirit and patriotism of Washington, Jefferson, and Jack- 
son. 

Democracy maintains the great principle of " the political equality of the 
people and of the States." 

It sympathizes with the oppressed of our race everywhere, and clothes them 
with/r<?«rfo?ra and J5o/^7^ca/ franchises in our beloved land. 

It is not selfish, but plants its standard upon the broad basis of political 
equality, and stands in its defense. 

It seeks the light of day, works in God's bright sunshine, proclaims its 
principles and measures to the world, and applies to them all the great touch- 
stone of truth. 

It seeks no concealment; it courts investigation ; it fears not the tint h; it " asks 
nothing but what is clearly right, and submits to nothing clearly wrong." 

Testing my vote by these principles, I desire to examine it, together with the 
reasons f advanced in the House on that occasion, for the purpose of ascertain- 
ing whether there was anything anti-Democratic in my action. 



,^ 



I claim, that to vote for or against "an investigation" is merely a matter of 
policy in which no great principle is involved, unless the vote is given to pre- 
vent the disclosure of wrong. When the evidence is reported, the application 
of it to any question before the House will involve principles of importance. 

And while I am free to admit, that, so far as the " resolutions" applied to the 
contest of General Whitfield's seat, they were sufficiently objectionable to justify 
any Democrat in voting against them, I cannot now doubt that, for the reasons 
I then advanced, and the purpose I avowed, I was entirely justifiable upon Demo- 
cratic grounds in the vote I gave. 

I introduce here the several propositions which were then before the House. 

1st. The resolution reported by the Committee of Elections. 

2d. Tlie resolution offered by Mr. Bennett, of Mississippi, as an amend- 
ment to the first. 

3d. The resolutions presented by Mr. Dunn as an amendment to the amend- 
ment of Mr. B. 

"The SPEAKER. The question now recurs upon the amendment of the gentleman from 
Indiana, [Mr. Dunn,] as an amendment to the amendment offered by the gentleman from 
Mississippi, [Mr. Bennett.] The Committee of Elections report the following resolution: 

" ' Resolved, That the Committee of Elections, in the contested-election case from the Ter- 
ritory of Kansas, be, and are hereby, empowered to send for persons and papers, and to 
examine witnesses upon oath or affirmation.' 

" The gentleman from Mississippi proposes to amend by substituting the following: 

" 'Resolved, That Joseph H. Bradley and Sidney S. Baxter, Esqs., of the city of Washington, 
be, and they are hereby, appointed commissioners for and on behalf of this House to take 
depositions and obtain process by taking copies of all such documents as may be desired by 
either party, or their agents or attorneys, in regard to the contested seat of Hon. Mr. Whit- 
field, as Delegate for Kansas, under the petition of Hon. Mr. Reeder; that .said Bradley and 
Baxter be, and they are hereby, clothed with full power to adopt all needful means to elicit 
clear and full proof upon all points which the parties respectively may submit to them as facta 
they, or either of them, desire to establish or controvert; that' they shall give to the parties 
respectively written and reasonable notice of the time and place at which they will be ready to 
proceed in taking such depositions, and may adjourn the same to other times and places as, 
in their judgment and discretion, will tend to the full and perfect eliciting of tlie truth touch- 
ing all such controverted matters; and that, when they shall have completed their labors, they 
report the same to this House.' 

" The gentleman from Indiana proposes to amend the amendment by striking out all after 
the words, 'Resolved, That,' and insert as follows: 

" ' A committee of three of the members of this House, to be appointed by the Speaker, shall 
proceed to inquire into, and collect evidence in regard to the troubles in Kansas generally, and 
particularly in regard to any fraud or force attempted or practiced in reference'to any of the 
elections which have taken place in said Territory, either under the law organizing said Ter- 
ritory, or under any pretended law which may be alleged to have taken effect therein since. 
That they shall fully investigate and take proof of all violent and tumultuous proceedings in 
said Territory, at any time since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act, whether engaged 
in by residents of said Territory, or by any person or persons from elsewhere going into said 
Territory, and doing, or encouraging others to do, any act of violence or public disturbance 
against the laws of the United States, or the rights, peace, and safety of the residents of said 
Territory; and for that purpose .said committee shall have full power to send for, and examine 
and take copies of all such papers, public records and proceedings as, in their judgment, will 
be useful in the premises; and, also, to send for persons, and examine them on oath or affirm- 
ation as to matters within their knowledge, touching the matters of said investigation; and 
said committee, by their chairman, shall have power to administer all necessary oaths or 
affirmations connected with their aforesaid duties. 

" ' Resolved, further, That said committee may hold their investigations at such places and 
times as to them may seem advisable, and that they have leave of absence from the duties of 
this House until they shall have completed such investigalion. That they be authorized to 
employ one or more clerks, and one or more assistant sergeants-at-arms, to aid them in their 
investigation; and may administer to them an oath or artirmation faithfully to perform the 
duties assigned to them, respectively, and to keep secret all matters which may come to their 
knowledge touching such investigation as said committee shall direct, until the report of the 
same shall be submitted to this House; and said committee may discharge any such clerk, or 
assistant sergeant-at-arms, for neglect of duty or disregard of instructions in the premises, and 
employ others under like regulations. 



*' 'Resolved, further, That if any person shall in any manner obstructor hinder said committee, 
or attempt so to do, in their said investigation, or shall refuse to attend on said committee, and 
to give evidence when summoned for that purpose, or shall refuse to produce any paper, Ijook, 
public record, or proceediiig in their possession or control, to said committee when so required, 
or shall make any disturbance where said committee is holding their sittings, said committee 
may, if they see fit, cause any and every such person to be arrested by said assistant scrgcant- 
at-arms, and brought before this House to be dealt with as for a contempt. 

" ' Resolved, further. That for the purpose of defraying the expenses of said commission, 
there be, and hereby is, appropriated the sum of $10,000, to be paid out of the contingent 
fund of this House. 

" ' Resolved, further. That the President of the United States be, and is hereby, requested to 
furnish to said committee, should they be met with any serious opposition by bodies of law- 
less men in the discharge of their duties aforesaid, such aid, from any military force as may 
at the time be convenient to them, as may be necessary to remove such opposition, and enable 
said committee without molestation to proceed with their labors. 

'" Resolved, further. That when said committee shall have completed said investigation they 
report all the evidence so collected to this House.' " 

Mr. Dunn, of Indiana, who had voted against Mr. Banks almost uniformly 
during the long contest for Speaker, and who, upon almost every political ([ues- 
tion, has been at war with the Banks party, as well as the Deniociatic, brought 
forward the last proposition. I had confidence in his personal integrity and 
■ fairness, and believed that he desired "to lake the wind out of the sails" of the 
blackest of Black Republicanism. It was clear that, if his resolutions prevaileti, 
parliamentary courtesy would require that he should be appointed chairman of 
the committee, and be associated with one Fusionist and one Democrat — thus 
securing " a balance of power." 

The Democrats were not opposed to investigation, but were prepared to vote 
in favor of Bennett's amendment. I voted against Dunn's ainenditient when 
the vote was taken upon that question, although Bennett's resolution provided 
for the appointment of commissioners to take testimony in the " contest for the 
seat of Mr. Whitfield upon the petition of Mr. Reeder," notwithstanding I could 
not believe, under the admitted state of the facts, that there was any evidence 
in existence that could be made to apply legally to that contest, from the fact 
that Whitfield had been el<^.cted upon a regular election day set apart by the law 
of Kansas for that purpose, and received more legal votes than all others ; that 
Reeder was not then a candidate, and had no pretensions to a legal election, 
or eny election, except that which he had managed outside of all law or legal 
regulations. Under such a state of facts, it seemed to me th-sre was no foun- 
dation for a contest. Upon this point I used the following language in what I 
said upon that occasion : 

" So far as I am concerned, sir, and so far as I have been able to ascertain from the argu- 
ments of this side of the House, I do not believe that they are anxious to prevent an exam- 
ination into any and all questions which are legitimately before us. I do not understand that 
they are desirous to obstruct investigation into any of the events alleged to have occurred, so 
far as, that investigation can legally alfect the resolution which has been reported by the ma- 
jority of the Committee of Elections. The majority of the committee asked for power to 
send' for persons and papers. The minority say that, for the purposes for which the majority 
ask that this power shall be granted, they do not believe it ought to be exercised. They do 
not believe that this House possesses the power, under the Constitution, to inquire into the 
legality of the election of the Legislature in Kansas. But for all other purposes which are 
legitimate and proper, and which will have a tendency to aid us in coming to a correct conclu- 
sion upon any question which this House can take cognizance of, they are willing that this 
investigation shall proceed. 

" But, sir, if the resolution of the majority of the committee were to be adopted, it would 
be necessary to send from the District of Columbia — two or three thousand miles— to Kansas 
for the purpose of obtaining persons and papers to prove — what? To prove that the Legisla- 
ture of Kansas assembled at Pawnee City, and then adjournc'd to the Shawnee Mission ? That 
is admitted: it is upon record. There is no necessity of sending for persons to establish any 
one of the facts which are matters of record; and it cannot be necessary to send this long 
distance, and to incur the extraordinary expense which must inevitably follow, for the pur- 

Eose of determining the legality or the illegality of the election at which the members of liie 
legislature of Kansas were chosen. 




Territories than w,. ha.^e over X' States''"''' * "" ^^ """"^^''''y '" ^^is respect „ 

abi:^ -t ":s^2n:t^;^^;Sn1r\^^;Ser'LJ^^?. '^'TT^ f '-™-' ^^^^^H, and 
precedent tending to sliow that vve posses ,?™ to t h '"'"'^^''^ ^ ^^'^^^''^ '"^u^l'^n^y or 
a>|d returns of niombers and de]e Jes \\^p n .' . / "'^ "^"" ^^'I'^fiC'-^'ion-S elections, 

They are the poll-books kept bv Uu^ boa.vl of ^ '""■' ''' ? ''?'^ '■'-^'"'■"«- What are they 
were received 'at the poll. Cmay inm, e wl.^r n" h''''^ '"'^ ^'^'^',' ^''"^^ ^'^^ ^"'"^^ «« '^'-T 
ciuahfications. We Lay inquir tLr.Hl'e.t .,'';?. f "^f'^^^^V,"^ ^''*^ constitutional 
i"ing the returns and heariniparol U in nv n r r '"^''"'^'-'V'^^ ^^'^^ duly elected by exam- 
oxtends no further. What%lSd 1 e th c^ih on'orth ^'V"''"'T^'"'^^^ ' 0"'-^"thori.v 
sought any opportunity to contest arelec^ion en I?l . ' ^^?"'' 'f *^^'''T individual who 

the election was held Is liable to tSe SiecSons Um Zvl". '"'^ '"^ 'h' ^'l'^ '^^^^ '''"^'' ^^^^^^h 
Suppose that a law should pass a Lc-Snr hi have been urged in the case before us.' 

afterwards, upon a contest foi the s".t S^ he me n'l/n''^ "^ ^1 ''"^^' ''"''- '^^PP^^' 'hat 

ascertained he had never been e £0^^ wn ,M ,1,^1 . ^^'^ '^^'' ''"" ^'°'^' '^'^^ ^<- should be 
"ot be pretended tiiat the law could f^thai^^^^ ""T ^T?' % """''^ ' ^" «"ch a case it wiU 
reach a small error, so vi 1 in Us coni miencel ' '^'"^""''^ '"r^'"'- ^l^^n, if we cannot 
character unless special jurisdiction lui'C^^erus"""'' "''^'^'' ^ ^"^-"^'- «"^ "^^ ^'^ -"« 

this h^l: ":;; s^dVs'iariis.s';"':^' "° ^^^ t pr'''^^'' - --''^?'^- -se whe™ 

the law under wiiich a n/JXr t" "en e Sranrocc^ '"^^t-^^ '''''" ''^'^' ^'-^ passed 
authority of that kind it seems to me tW wl occupies his seat; and in the absence of 

exercise it for the first time iiXhisToiy^lo'u^Go'r^^^^^^^^^ "''^" "^ undertake to 

whdt'^Lro^'lhTti;: wIn:nlT"^ ^ad been a<,opted,I vo.e. to lay the 
House wa upon the ado ot'im o /h ' .'"-^ '''' '^ '>' ^"^^''"" "^^" before the 
a.nina,ion of'the::':irUhr;; r/^^^^^^ An ex- 

the committee to " inn,.i.« ;».^ 1 "^ 1 "^"^"' '" "'eir character, authorizmo- 

Kansasr ..c. ^ a'nd t^^ cro^r^uhih-:';:::,::^^;^^ '- -'-' '- '^^ ^'-^^- - 

re;:^t:ir;hV?;(5:^JSo c^ilS^S S'S^l^^o^^/^" '^^^^ ^^-^^'^^^^ -^^^ investigation they 

without dehni,; t^vX-'^r:;.::^.!:^;^;':;!^!;^ '-t r ''- """!f' 

for tak.n^r such evidence as either Wha 1 ■ d or r!.. . T^- ^"^ "°' ^'""''^^ 

pa>nas shall issue for witnesses at e iVp tb "''''^ ^'''"■^' °'' ^^'""^ ''"»'- 

olutions are entirel/si le, t m o . tb! , ''"■ ""-^?««''"" ^^ demand. The res- 
for which the teJt!! ' ' o' V 's ^ " Tfl ^^en T Tr^'^'l " '-^ "^^ ^^^^^^ 
-e^^ei.. .he commLe a. .»:r^.r ;:^:R:ct tld^^^f t^ us/^ 111: 

name ofMr-DuNi. in s len Von te '; I " ' '",'''' '^''.''^ ^'^^l' ^^ P^^''^^^ ^'-e 

ons Republican partisan Fo tl i fcou se rl?;" 'S'^^^^'"^'- '"-'-^1- 
The country nil! understand and t rlTt ,b ^'^'^ '"^"''"'' "''' responsible. 

to its merits, prep re? s .c on wf. ''^^'"^J^"^' ^^P'^^'- " h«» made, according 
c/e«ceo^/^t; vhrpurevXts n^ '" "^""r! '1,^^'^-^^ U. \uhat con^^ 



was adopted and the Government organized was tlie political equality of the 
States and the people. Tlie territory of the United States has been acquired 
at the common expense, and, when acquired, became the common property of 
all the Slates, subject to be retained or disposed of for the common benefit and 
for common use. By tlie compromise Conc/ress assumed to draw a dividing 
line between legal institutions — between political rights and between rights of 
property. They assumed that, north of 36° 30', involuntary servitude should 
not exist, but that it might exist in all territory south of it — thus destroying legal 
equality, and introducing a new cause of moral and political strife. Congress 
by this act atiirmed that some great necessity existed for such legislation, and 
that necessity consisted in the important duty of preventing the extension of a 
great evil. The South having the institution by virtue of her law, and the ter- 
ritory soutli being thus left free to her citizens to occupy with tlieir property, 
they were necessarily deeply interested in protecting the institution. Property 
is timid; and slave properly perhaps more than any other receives the watchful 
care and protecting hand of the owner. 

The North, forbidden the institution, educated by the law and the reasons 
which produced the law, to reject and condemn slavery, their persecutions and 
denunciations of tlie South and its institutions are but the natural result of tlie 
compromise legislation. The results wliich have followed were prophetically 
foreseen and described by Jelferson in his letters to Adams Short, and Holmes, 
extracts from which, and from Mr. Adams's answer, I insert to show the opin- 
ions of that great apostle of Democracy upon this exciting subject, and with 
what unerring certainty he calculated the effect which would follow that fatal 
line of division : 

MoNTicELLo, December 10, 1819. 

Dear Sir: I have to acknowlpdge the receipt of your favor of November the 23d. The 
banks, bankrupt law, manufactures, Spanish treaty, are nothing. These are occurrences 
■which, like waves in a storm, will pass under the ship; but the Missouri question is a 
breaker on v.hich we lose the Missouri country by revolt, and what more God only knows. 
From the battle of Bunker Hill to the treaty of Paris we never had so ominous a question. 
It even damps the joy with which I hear of your hio'h health, and welcomes to me the conse- 
quences of my want of it. I thank God that I shall not live to witness its issue. 

To John Adams. 

Extract from John ^idams's reply to Tliomas Jefferson. 

MoNTiziLLO, Z)ecem&«r 21, 1819. 
Dear Sir: The Missouri question, //tope, will follow the other waves under the ship, 
and do no harm. I know it is high treason to express a doubt of the perpetual duration of 
our vast American empire, and our free institutions; and I say, as devoutly as fatlier Paul, 
esto perpetna ; but I am sometimes Cassandra enough to dream that another Hamilton and 
another Burr might rend this mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash; and a few 
more choice spirits of the same stamp might produce as many nations in North America as 
ihei-e are in Europe. 

MoxTicELLO, March 12, 1820. 
I thank you, dear sir, for the information in your favor of the 4th instant, of the settlement, 
for the present, of the Missouri question. I am so completely withdrawn from all attention 
to public matters, that nothing less could arouse me than the definition of a geographical line, 
which, on an abstract principle, is to become the line of separation of these States, and to 
render desperate the hope, that man can ever enjoy the two blessings of peace and self-gov- 
ernment. The question sZcep5 for the present, but is ?io< (Zeati. * # * * * 

To H. Nelson, Esq. 

Thomas Jefferson to JVilliatn Short. 

MoNTicELLO, Jpril 13, 1820. 
Dear Sir: # * # Although I had laid down as a law to myself never to 

write, talk, or even think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore had 



cfiased to read newspapers, yet the Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. The 
old schism of Federal and Republican threatened nothing, because it extended in every State, 
and united them together by the fraternization of party. But the coincidence of a marked 
principle, moral and political, witli a geographical line, once conceived, I feared would never 
more be obliterated from the mind; that it would be recurring on every occasion, and renewing 
irritations, until it would kindle such mutual andmoral batreda.s would render separation prefer- 
able to eternal discord. I have been among the most sanguine in believing that our Union would 
be of long duration. I now doubt it much, and see the event at no great distance, and the 
direct consequence of this question, not by the time which has been so confidently counted 
on — the laws of nature control this — but by the Potomac, Ohio, and Missouri, or more prob- 
ably the Mississippi, upwards to our northern boundary. My only comfort and confidence 
is that] shall not live to see this; and I envy not the present generation the glory of throwing 
nway the fruits of their fathers' sacrifices of lifu and fortune, and of rendering desperate the 
experimeiU which was to decide ultimately, whether man is capable of self-government. This 
treason against human hope will signalize their epoch in future history as the counterpart of 
the medal of their predecessors. 

Jefferson to John Holmes. 

"MoNTicELLO, ^pril 22, 1820. 

"I thank you, dear sir, for the copy you have been so kind as to send me of the letter to 
your constituents, on the Missouri question. It is a perfect justification to them. I had for 
a long time ceased to read newspapers, or pay any attention to public afiairs, confident they 
were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from whicli I am 
not far distant. But this momt'ntous question, lilce a fire-hell in the night, aicakened and filled 
me u-ith terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed indeed for the 
moment; but this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with 
a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of 
men, will never be obUteraled; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper." 
«*#*###**#♦ *# 

" An abstinence, too, from this act of power, would remove the jealousy excited by the un- 
dertaking of Congress to regulate the condition of the different descriptions of men composing 
a State. This certainly is the exclusive right of every State, which nothing in the Constitu- 
tion has taken from them and given to the General Government. Could Congress, for exam- 
ple, say that the non-freemen of Connecticut should be freemen, or that they shall not emi- 
grate into any other Stater " 

Since the adoption of that line, there has been constant crimination and 
recrimination between tlie North and South; periodical excitements and 
threatened dissolution of the Union have followed in fearful and rapid .succes- 
sion, until in Rlassachusetts, and in many other places in the North, the Con- 
stitution and laws of the United States are disregarded, and the con>litutional 
riirhts of the people of the South openly violated. So violent and dangerous 
has this state of I'eeling bpcoiiie, that all true patriots are fearful that sosne great 
catastrophe to the Republic will be the result. ^^Dissolution of the Union'' 
has grown to bo a familiar phrase north as well as south, and men lose siglit 
of that great warning given us by one of the patriots of the Revolution: "Frown 
with indignity upon the first dawning of an attempt to separate any portion of 
this Union from the rest." 

Most fortunately the passasre of the compromise measures of 1850, and the 
Kansas-Nebraska act in 1854, restored the original political equality of the 
States; placed their common |)roperty open to the common use, and reestab- 
lishecj that great fundamental principle of " snlf-government by the people, of the 
Ter7-it()ries." This result was not accomplished without a des])erate struggle 
in Congress, and a high sectional excitement among the people — a result cheap 
at any price short of the dissolution of the Union. 

Misrepresentation, denunciation, and excitement, followed so rapidly the pas- 
sage of the Kansas act, lliat portions of the people of the North, excited by the 
politicians of the country, did not stop to examine the provisions of the bill, 
nor wait for its practical workings to settle its great importance ; but at once 
determined to prevent the provisions of the act from being carried into practical 
effect. They claimed " that the people of the Territories" ought not " to be 



permitted to form their domestic institutions in (heir own way, subject only to 
the Constitution;" but that Congress should fashion and control their domestic 
institutions, and when they become States dictate their fundamental law. And to 
effect this result popular sovereignty in the Territories must be made unpopu- 
lar — must be brought into disrepute llirougiiout the Republic. 

To this end, Massachusetts, in her capacity as a sovereign State, by the pas- 
sage of her personal-liberty bill, having nullified that portion of the Constitution 
which requires " fugitives from service to be delivered up on the a])plication of 
the party to whom such service is due," and the fugitive-slave law, which received 
the approval of the great Webster, of Clay, of Douglas, Cass, and Mason, and 
most of the other great minds of the country, proceeded to enact a law incor- 
porating an emigrant aid society, with $20,000 000 capital, to control Kansas. 
Lecturers were sent out through the country to create sympathy and take con- 
tributions; to send men, and implements, and munitions of war to that Territory, 
to form such institutions as Massachusetts and the East desired, no matter 
whether they were such as the true emigrant might find for his welfare after be- 
coming acquainted with the country, or not. 

It is claimed that a large company, composed of citizens of Missouri, went 
into Kansas, and at some of the polls controlled the election. This is denied 
on the part of the Missourians ; but, even if it be true, it was but an instance 
among several of like character which occurred at Cincinnati, Louisville, New 
Orleans, and other localities, which, although unjustifiable, bear no comparison 
in importance to the cool, reflecting legislation of a sovereign State making 
W'ar upon the constitutional rights of her sisters in the Confederacy. I voted for 
an investigation, that the great question of temporary colonization by a sovereign 
State of a sister State or Territory for political purposes, might be authoritatively 
discussed in Congress, and the judgment of the American people pronounced 
upon it. And who can doubt but the position of the Democracy will be tri- 
umphantly sustained ? I believed that, for the purpose of protecting and perpet- 
uating the glorious principle of self-government, it was our duty to inquire into 
the facts relating to Kansas, that we might see whether any further legislation 
was necessary to protect the Territories against improper and illegal outside 
influences, whether such influences emanated from " emigrant aid societies," 
voluntary contributions in money, or Sharpe's rifles, or from the citizens of any 
of the adjoining Slates. 

The restoration of the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska act has cost the 
Democratic party too much, and is too vitally important not to demand at our 
hands protection, preservation, and perpetuity. I voted for Mr. Dunn's resolu- 
tions for this purpose, and this purpose alone. I so declared at the time before 
the House, and also declared that the investigation could not be made and ap- 
plied to the contested election. 

I quote fiom my remarks upon that occasion : 

"Mr. Speaker, if an impartial tribunal can be secured, I shall vote for this investigation. 
I shall vote for it in order to ascertain whether any wrong has been done, and, if any, that it 
may be redressed. I love the great principle of political equality and the sovereignty of the 
people which is set forth in the Kansas-Nebraska art. Give the people the power, and they 
"will always do the best with it; they will hastily amend any great error into which they may 
be led. I wish to see that great principle of popular sovereignty protected as v^'ell against 
citizens of any of the States as from moneyed monopolies, millionaires of the East, and 
itinerant fanatics. " 

" Wc know that those emigrant aid associations were got up for the purpose of controlling 
the institutions of Kansas. Suppose that, on some great political question, the people of 
Tennessee are nearly equally divided, and that one hundred votes either way will make a de- 
cision; suppose it was for the interest of Massachusetts that that question should be decided 
in a particular manner; suppose, further, that she incorporated a moneyed institution, pro- 
vided the means, and had one hundred and ten voters sent in time to control the election of 
Tennessee, would there be any dillerence in the violation of the great principle of popular 
sovereignty in that case from that of the case of Kansas.' 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




8 

"I am anxious, as I have already suggested, that g-'^Yg'''''r^g'''''^'ij[jJi'"''"'ii'll ity 

shall be sustained. I have no doubt that it was the i.. tlOO 3ZD 1^^ j^g. 

Nebraska act to give the people of the Territory the power to create their own domesiic insti- 
tutions, and to protect them in the exercise of that power. If the people are liable now to 
an interference with the exercise of this power, I hope an investigation may be had, in order 
to ascertain the fact. If it be found to be so, then, before the adjournment of this session, 1 
trust that amendment will be made to the organic act, so that there will be hereafter pro visipn 
against such outside influence on the territorial elections. For this purpose, and it only, I 
Bhall vote for an investigation." ^ 

Fellow-citizens, I have no sentiments in common with the peculiar institu- 
tion. My course has been dictated by an ardent devotion to the Constitution 
and Union. I have, as briefly as was consistent laid before you the history of 
my action upon these resolutions. I have endeavored to show you the dangerous 
results which our greatest statesmen said would follow, and which hav© followed, 
the INIissouri compromise, and the necessity which existed for its repeal, and 
the reestablishment of the equality of the States, and the sovereignty of the 
people of the Territories. I have endeavored to show the necessity of a just 
course at this time to protect these principles ; and in the midst of the wild 
clamor for the restoration of the Missouri compromise, it is our duty as Dem- 
ocrats, not to permit the principles of the Kansas act to be brought into disrepute 
by outside issues or foreign influence. For this purpose I voted to collect 
evidence, and have it reported to the House — for this vote I am charged with 
misrepresenting you. I have confidence in your Democracy, in your intelli- 
gence, and in your love of truth; and I confidently submit to you, whether my 
vote for the purposes avowed is not right. 

It is also charged that my vote is inconsistent with the sentiments of my 
speech : those who make this charge, have done so without a full examination 
of the subject. There were three distinct propositions before the House at the 
time that speech was made : 

1. The Black Republican proposition, to give the committee power to send 
for persons and papers. 

2. Bennett's proposition, to appoint a committee of two to take testimony in 
relation to the contested seat. 

3. Dunn's resolutions, to collect evidence generally. 

I opposed the resolution to send for persons and papers, and denied the right 
of the House to inquire into the legality of the election of the members of the 
Kansas Legislature for the purpose of applying it to Whitfield's election. 

I sustained Mr. Bennett's resolution as far as possible. 

I opposed Mr. Dunn's resolutions, in hopes to get the matter into a more 
favorable shape, until it was the only proposition before the House ; and then, it 
being general in its character, I voted for it. 

If any gentleman will apply my remarks to the three propositions, he will 
find the speech and the vote entirely consistent and Democratic; and I submit 
the whole subject to your candid consideration. 

I have endeavored to represent you faithfully, according to tlie best of my 
ability. 1 have labored for the success of Democratic principles all my life, and 
have examined them in vain if a vote "to collect evidence" is anti-Democratic, 
or wrong. But, if I have so far mistaken your principles and wishes, that this 
vote, given under the circumstances and for the reasons avowed, misrepresents 
you, it will cause no murmuring on my part to resign the trust you have confided 
to my charge. 

Faithfully yours, A. HALL. 

Washington, May 5, 1856. 



i'riiued at Uie Office of the Congres-sional Globe. 



